Today, with this name, we mean Outer Mongolia, that is, the western part of the vast territory inhabited by the Mongols, which was constituted into a republic, under complete Russian domination. The Soviet government, however, faced with the unpopularity of certain clearly communist reforms, which took place at the general meeting of the Hural, held in 1934, with the character of the Constituent Assembly, renounced their application. Instead it has imposed itself absolutely in the military field, so that today Russian officers frame the various contingents, direct and supervise the manufacture of weapons and ammunition, airfields, airlines, radio communications, and guard the borders. This situation was sanctioned in March 1935 in Ulan Bator (formerly Urga, the capital) a protocol of mutual assistance (similar to the Japanese-Manchurian one), which consecrates a real military alliance. The pact, which entered into force immediately, has a duration of ten years. He protested China, which has nominal sovereignty over the region, recognized by the USSR itself in 1924: but, of course, without any result. A network of roads under construction points from the Russian border towards the allied republic, already connected with the Siberian territory by a regular airline and a navigation service on the Jenissei. Several railway connections are also planned which would penetrate Mongolia from various parts: the population, however, is against it. It abhors external contacts; he wants to close the borders to foreigners; does not admit foreign representations. Few news manages to filter out. So nothing or little is known precisely about what is happening.
In the struggle for influence that the two great powers, Japan and the USSR, carry out in the Mongolian sector, Outer Mongolia plays a decisive role. Indeed, its borders contain the door through which communism could turn southwards; from there also the armies of Moscow, leaning on other columns coming from Turkestan, have the possibility of threatening the Nippo-Mancesi from behind or on the flanks. Furthermore, Japan has precluded the possibility, with a hostile Mongolia, of paralyzing the Trans-Siberian railway in the south of Baikal, which is still the only access route from the Urals to Eastern Siberia. The region therefore assumed the function of a highly frictional territory, already exercised by Manchuria at the beginning of the century.
In a very different situation, Inner Mongolia is found, which has disintegrated into various parts. One of them was incorporated by Manchu kwo, who made it an autonomous province, called Hsing-an (see Manchuria, App.). Another part organized itself as an autonomous regime under Prince Teh, with the name of “Autonomous Political Council of the MI”, recognized by Nanking, but at the same time well regarded by Tōkyō. In fact, in today’s Sino-Japanese conflict those populations are fighting with Japan. Another organization was formed in Sui-yüan and reports to the “Council for the autonomy of Mongolian banners and leagues”. It is not possible to specify the consistency and extent of these organisms, since they are nomadic tribes, an immense territory and elements and data that are difficult to pin down. The next order that will be given to the country depends on the outcome of the current Sino-Japanese conflict.
According to The Nail Mythology, the joint independence movement and the reunion of the two Mongolians did not give positive results. In Inner Mongolia the Chinese influences, determined by the economic relations (and with the railway connections) now replaced by the Japanese-Manchurian ones, as well as the aversion of the princes, fearful of a complete absorption of their authority, have paralyzed him.